When we seek for the ideal way to make our collective decisions, democratic practices still endure as humanity’s preferred method of decision-making. This is not because the outcomes themselves are necessarily always the best, but because of the legitimacy the process lends to the results.
It is much easier to acquiesce to a decision you don’t like when the process has been fair and you have been able to participate in it. To this day we haven’t come up with a decision-making process that would be seen as fairer or more just than majority rule based on the principle of one person, one vote.
But representative democracy is actually a very narrow kind of democracy. It is actually doubtful that ancient Athenians, who had a detailed vocabulary to describe various governance models, would have even called representative democracy a form of democracy. Between elections, representative democracy is completely unresponsive to its own citizens. Citizens simply don’t have a formal way to participate in the day-to-day decision-making. Most of us only get to watch as decisions are made on our behalf.
This is the problem. When you think about it, voting gives us the illusion of participation. Once every election cycle, we get to write a name or a number on a ballot. That’s it. It is the minimum viable form of participation you can imagine. Elections effectively legitimize or rubber stamp decisions before they are made. The best thing that can be said of representative democracy is that it provides an effective veto against unpopular rulers in the next elections.
Direct democracy is better, but is not without its own share of problems. Direct democracy doesn’t scale well, or at least it didn’t before the internet.
While electronically connecting millions of people is now possible, we have yet to solve the security issues related to electronic voting. You can’t guarantee the integrity of the elections at the same time as you guarantee the anonymity of the voters.
The other big worry in direct democracy is mob rule. Ancient Greek philosophers were keenly aware of this problem. What if a population can be swayed to reckless decisions through emotional appeals? What if a demagogue with great persuasive powers manages to erode the separation of powers and usher in tyranny? These were and still are pertinent questions.
To work, majority rule needs strong civil liberties to protect the rights of minorities. The checks and balances have to hold on every level or the system ceases to be a democracy. Democracy is not something you just have: it is something you have to consciously maintain. If you don’t, it will fall off the rails. This is something we are currently witnessing in many Western countries, where democratic institutions have lost their independence and only exist to provide a veneer of legitimacy to autocratic rulers.
Deliberative democracy offers a valuable variation to mere majority rule by voting. For decisions to be made it requires genuine deliberation that aims to reach a consensus. When practiced correctly, this deliberative process can produce better decisions and outcomes. When deliberations don’t produce consensus decisions, the process falls back on voting using majority rule.
The problem with deliberative democracy is that it also doesn’t scale very well and requires smaller decision-making bodies to flourish. This is not necessarily a bad thing. It seems likely that decisions should be made at a more local level whenever possible. This would certainly empower regular citizens to more actively participate in their collective affairs.
The debate between the virtues of various implementations of democracy is enduring. The pros and cons are evident in each system and none of these methods seem to stand out as a clear favorite. There is, however, an emerging practice that seems to be able to contain the best of all three of these traditions while avoiding most of their pitfalls: delegative democracy.
The twenty-fourth hypothesis is that: